Fewer Evictions Through Collaboration – An Interview Study with Landlords, Social Services, and the Enforcement Authority

Since 2008, Sweden has maintained a zero-eviction policy for children, and eviction prevention efforts are a crucial part of combating homelessness (Regeringskansliet 2022). Those affected by eviction face an increased risk of suicide, deteriorating health, social marginalization, and lower living standards (Desmond and Kimbro 2015; Nilsson 2024; von Otter et al. 2017; Rojas and Stenberg 2016; Tsai and Huang 2019).

Children are particularly impacted; evicted children have an elevated risk of being placed in foster care (Berg and Brännström 2018). Despite the clear need to prevent evictions, the number of evictions has risen in recent years, including those involving children. In the first half of 2023, the Enforcement Authority carried out 1,403 evictions nationwide, of which 345 involved children (Kronofogden 2023). In Östersund Municipality, 179 individuals were at risk of eviction in 2023, and landlords applied to the Enforcement Authority for the execution of 39 evictions, of which eleven were carried out. Five of these eleven evictions affected a total of eleven children (https://kronofogden.se/om-kronofogden/statistik).

Eviction occurs when a tenant is forcibly required to leave their residence. The most common reason is non-payment of rent (von Otter et al. 2017). Other reasons may include disturbing neighbors, subletting the apartment without the landlord's permission, or the expiration of the lease agreement (Kronofogden 2023). The eviction process, from the time the tenant stops paying rent to the execution of the eviction, can be both lengthy and complicated. The entire process can take from a few months to a year and involves several different parties (Flyghed 2005). The Enforcement Authority carries out the eviction, but many tenants move out voluntarily during the process (Nilsson 2024).

Focus on key actors

In this research project, we focus on the key actors in the eviction process: landlords, municipal social services, and the Enforcement Authority. The landlord initiates the eviction process, usually due to the tenant's non-payment of rent. This is done by notifying the social services and applying for eviction with the Enforcement Authority. Landlords vary in nature. Östersundshem is a public housing company, meaning a municipal enterprise that rents out housing. Nationally, public housing companies account for a disproportionately large share of eviction applications to the Enforcement Authority: nearly six out of ten applications in the first half of 2023, compared to one in four rental apartments being owned by public housing (Kronofogden 2023).

Other landlords are referred to as private. These landlords vary significantly in size, from large portfolios of rental properties with many apartments to owning only one rental property with a few apartments. The role of social services is to support households throughout the eviction process, from the risk of eviction to the loss of housing (Socialstyrelsen 2022). The Enforcement Authority determines that the eviction should take place and executes the eviction.

How these three actors work and collaborate during the various phases of the eviction process—from preventive measures when rent payment issues arise to actions to avoid homelessness after an eviction—can be crucial for an individual's ability to retain their housing. However, we currently have limited knowledge about this actor perspective on the eviction process. Sten-Åke Stenberg's classic study “Vräkta ur folkhemmet” ("Evicted from the Welfare State") (1990) analyzes the role and practices of the social services during the eviction process. Flyghed (2005) surveyed landlords, social services, and the Enforcement Authority in Malmö, Stockholm, Uppsala, and Umeå about their routines and cooperation in a questionnaire study. Responses from all three actors indicated that communication and information exchange between them were inadequate, complicating preventive efforts. The response rate among private landlords was low.

Holmdahl (2009) studied landlords, social services, and affected tenants in three different municipalities in Stockholm County. He found that the work of professional actors was largely legally driven and standardized, and that the cooperation between the landlords and social services was asymmetrical, as landlords have greater power to control the eviction process. Regarding landlords, the study focused on those with large housing portfolios. The Enforcement Authority was not studied.

Stenberg et al. (2011) interviewed landlords, enforcement officers, and social services in nine different municipalities. The purpose of the interviews was to identify reasons for the variation in the number of evictions between municipalities. The report's results suggest that collaboration between the social services and landlords is important as it can prevent evictions. Interestingly, landlords largely indicated that they use debt collection agencies in handling evictions, but it is unclear how this affects cooperation with other actors. Kjellbom's (2013) study shows that the social services have different roles in tenancy law depending on the type of eviction (guarantor, observer, and ignorant roles), which can affect their relationship with landlords.

The aim is to study the stakeholders’ collaboration

The purpose of this research project is to investigate how landlords, social services, and the Enforcement Authority work and collaborate throughout the entire eviction process, from preventive measures to the loss of housing. The research contribution specifically involves interviewing all three actors with a focus on collaboration and eviction prevention efforts. A larger number of landlords will be interviewed, as different types of landlords (private/public, small/large) are selected to examine whether there are differences in how they organize and conduct eviction work, such as the use of debt collection agencies. For Östersund Municipality, this knowledge is relevant for the social services' ability to conduct preventive work through early interventions to avoid evictions, combat homelessness, and create the best possible conditions for solutions that are economically sustainable for individuals.

We address this purpose with the following research questions:

1. How do the three actors work during the different parts of the eviction process?
2. To what extent and in what ways do they collaborate with each other?
3. How do they view their role in relation to their expectations regarding the roles of the other actors?

We use Östersund as a case study and interview officers from landlords, social services, and the Enforcement Authority with practical experience of the eviction process about their goals, strategies, and working methods. In total, we conduct 12-15 semi-structured interviews, of which 8-10 are with landlords.